Ben-Gvir's 'Finish the Job' Cry Fuels Israel's October Vote
- Religious parties dominate October election agenda
- Ben-Gvir ranks second only to Messiah in key town
- Democratic Israelis mobilize against settler Right
- American Jews express concern over government shift
- Religious Zionism bloc demands expanded land control
In the dust-choked towns of southern Israel, mere kilometers from the Gaza border, the political loyalty test has been reduced to a binary calculus of survival versus subjugation. Itamar Ben-Gvir, the far-right National Security Minister, is not merely a politician here; he is revered as a visceral response to the trauma of October 7. According to a recent report by Haaretz, in these embattled communities, Ben-Gvir ranks second only to the Messiah in the eyes of local residents. This statistic is not a quirky poll number or an artifact of hyperbole; it reveals the terrifying depth of the personality cult surrounding the current leadership and the intensity of the religious-nationalist mood that has seized the periphery.
Ben-Gvir has built his reputation on hardline stances that were once considered fringe even within the Israeli right. He advocates for the expulsion of Palestinian prisoners, the expansion of police powers to near-authoritarian levels, and demands heavy-handed, disproportionate responses to security threats. His slogan, "We Need to Finish the Job," echoes through the campaign rallies with the rhythmic pounding of a war drum. The phrase is intentionally ambiguous but politically potent. To his supporters, it means securing the land forever through military dominance; it means defeating enemies decisively without the constraint of international opinion; and it means ending the debate over the future of the territories by annexing them de facto.
"Ben-Gvir is the only one who understands us," said a local shopkeeper in a town still scarred by rocket fire. "He is not afraid of the world. He is afraid only of God." This sentiment is spreading beyond the immediate conflict zone. Ben-Gvir's party, Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power), has merged with other religious factions to form a formidable bloc that is reshaping the Israeli electorate. They are targeting voters who feel ignored by the traditional elite, the working class, and the settlers, offering a message that mixes social welfare for Jews with exclusion for Arabs. It is a populist formula that has proven successful in other nations, but in Israel, it is supercharged by religious fervor and a sense of existential threat.
The Fracturing of the Israeli Consensus
The town serves as a microcosm of the broader electoral map, illustrating the deep divide between the secular center and the religious nationalist periphery. Historically, Israeli politics was dominated by a secular Labor Zionism that prioritized state-building and security through diplomacy. That consensus has shattered. In its place, a new reality is emerging where the "Finish the Job" narrative serves as a litmus test for patriotism.
Critics argue that Ben-Gvir's rhetoric is dangerous, claiming it incites violence against Palestinians, alienates crucial Western allies, and undermines the rule of law by politicizing the police force. However, inside his stronghold, these concerns are summarily dismissed as liberal weakness or treason. The residents here feel under siege, viewing the international community as inherently biased against them and the domestic left as detached from the harsh realities of the Middle East. In this environment, Ben-Gvir's combative style is seen as a virtue, not a vice. He represents the "strongman" archetype that voters often turn to when they perceive the state as failing to protect them.
This polarization is not just about policy; it is about identity. The October vote is shaping up to be a referendum on the soul of the Israeli state. For Ben-Gvir's base, the state is not a secular democracy of all its citizens but a vessel for Jewish redemption and safety. This ideological shift challenges the foundational institutions of the country, including the Supreme Court and the military, which have traditionally acted as guardians of a more pluralistic, if imperfect, democracy. As the campaign intensifies, the space for nuanced debate is vanishing, replaced by a zero-sum game where compromise is equated with capitulation.
From Outlaw to Kingmaker: The Strategic Rise of Otzma Yehudit
To understand the current momentum of Ben-Gvir, one must look at the deliberate strategy of rehabilitation employed by him and his allies. For decades, the Kahanist ideology—named after the radical Rabbi Meir Kahane—was ostracized from mainstream Israeli politics. Kahane's party, Kach, was banned from running for the Knesset in 1988 on grounds of racism, and its offshoots were relegated to the political fringes. Ben-Gvir, a former disciple of Kahane who was often barred from entering the country for his anti-Arab activism, has successfully engineered the mainstreaming of this extremism.
This did not happen by accident. It was the result of a calculated political realignment. By joining forces with Bezalel Smotrich's Religious Zionist Party, Ben-Gvir was able to shed the image of a political pariah and present himself as a legitimate governing partner. This merger allowed the far-right to cross the electoral threshold comfortably, garnering enough seats to become the kingmakers in Netanyahu's coalition government. In exchange for their support, they demanded—and received—control over key security apparatuses, a move that has fundamentally altered the balance of power in Israel.
The strategy relies on a sophisticated populist messaging machine. While the media focuses on his anti-Arab rhetoric, Ben-Gvir's party has also focused heavily on socio-economic issues affecting the Mizrahi working class and the religious Zionist sector. They speak to the pain of those who feel the "old elites"—the Ashkenazi secular establishment—have looked down upon them for generations. By framing security and dignity as two sides of the same coin, Ben-Gvir has fused ethno-nationalism with class resentment, creating a voting bloc that is fiercely loyal and highly motivated to turn out in October.
Institutional Friction: The Police and the Rule of Law
One of the most significant impacts of Ben-Gvir's rise is the transformation of the Israeli police force. As National Security Minister, he has expansive powers over the police, and he has used them to shift the force's focus from general crime-fighting to what he terms "nationalistic enforcement." This has led to a palpable tension between the political leadership and the professional ranks of the police, as well as the security establishment (Shin Bet).
Ben-Gvir has frequently clashed with police commissioners and legal advisors, demanding harsher crackdowns on anti-government protesters and turning a blind eye to violence committed by settlers in the West Bank. His push to establish a "National Guard" under his direct control—a paramilitary force ostensibly to deal with civil unrest—has been viewed by many analysts as an attempt to create a private militia loyal to him personally. Critics warn that this mirrors the tactics used by illiberal democracies in Hungary and Turkey, where leaders create parallel security structures to insulate themselves from accountability.
This friction extends to the judicial arena. The ongoing judicial reform crisis, which saw massive protests across Israel, was largely fueled by the fear that the far-right coalition intended to dismantle the checks and balances on government power. For Ben-Gvir, an independent judiciary is an obstacle to his vision of Jewish sovereignty and expanded settlement. The "Finish the Job" slogan implicitly applies to the legal system as much as it does to the battlefield: the complete removal of any legal or institutional barrier to the application of Jewish sovereignty over the entire Land of Israel.
Geopolitical Ramifications and the Future of the Conflict
The domestic surge of Ben-Gvir's ideology has profound implications for Israel's foreign relations and the future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. His rhetoric and policies have strained relations with the United States, Israel's most critical ally. The Biden administration has repeatedly expressed concern over extremist elements in the Israeli government, particularly regarding settler violence in the West Bank and the undermining of the Palestinian Authority. Ben-Gvir's open defiance of U.S. requests and his provocative visits to the Temple Mount (Al-Haram Al-Sharif) have frequently sparked diplomatic crises and regional unrest.
Furthermore, his approach effectively forecloses any possibility of a two-state solution, a prospect that was already fading but is now virtually extinct under the current government. By advocating for the expulsion of Palestinians and the acceleration of settlement construction, Ben-Gvir is pushing Israel toward a one-state reality where millions of Palestinians live under military rule with no political rights. This scenario, analysts warn, poses a demographic and democratic existential threat to the State of Israel in the long term.
As the October vote approaches, the international community watches with bated breath. A strong showing for Ben-Gvir would likely embolden the government to take even more drastic steps, such as annexing parts of the West Bank or launching a full-scale reoccupation of the Gaza Strip. It would signal to the world that the Israeli electorate has embraced the far-right's maximalist vision. Conversely, a poor performance might trigger a political realignment, but given the current trauma and polarization, a return to the center seems increasingly unlikely. The "Finish the Job" mentality has taken root, promising a future of conflict and consolidation that will define Israel for years to come.